Los dolores que dejó la guerra en las mujeres negras del norte del Cauca (Colombia)

El Espectador  – 9 Jul 2019 – 6:00 AM

Beatriz Valdés Correa – @beatrijelena

Racismo, violencia sexual, desplazamiento y la ruptura de las organizaciones fueron algunas de las afectaciones de los actores del conflicto a las mujeres del municipio Buenos Aires. En su informe “Voces valientes” las documentaron para entregarlas a la Comisión de la Verdad.

Antes de que las tierras de Buenos Aires (Cauca) se llenaran de armas, minas y sangre había cultivos, unos ríos limpios y llenos de oro y unas familias que eran como hermanas. Las mujeres se iban a barequear (sacar oro del río de manera artesanal) o sembrar, se juntaban en esos espacios y planeaban actividades, se reían, se contaban cosas, identificaban problemas y planteaban soluciones, porque había un buen grado de organización entre ellas. Los niños iban a las escuelas y los maridos, a trabajar. No era una vida perfecta, había muchas necesidades básicas insatisfechas. Nada de luz permanente o agua potable, pero había un territorio rico que proveía a las familias para vivir bien. Ahora las mujeres negras del norte del Cauca piensan que esa fue una de las mayores motivaciones por las que los grupos armados se asentaron ahí. Primero las guerrillas, durante décadas, y luego los paramilitares del Bloque Calima de las Auc. A estos últimos, desde el 2000, es a los que identifican como responsables de las prácticas más crueles contra ellas.

Recuerdan el racismo, la violencia sexual, el trabajo doméstico forzado, el desplazamiento forzado y la prohibición de las “juntanzas” entre mujeres, y cómo eso afectó su forma de ejercer la maternidad, las actividades productivas y los liderazgos. Y todavía lo recuerdan con dolor y tienen miedo. Sin embargo, fueron capaces de reunirse para compartir, documentar y dejar escrito lo que les hicieron, porque recordar solas no les ayudaba a disminuir los dolores. Desde hace un año y medio, junto a la organización internacional Women’s Link Worldwide, las mujeres de la Asociación de Mujeres Afrodescendientes del Norte del Cauca (ASOM) recogieron sus testimonios y los consignaron en el informe “Voces valientes”, que entregarán este miércoles 10 de julio a la Comisión de la Verdad.

En este informe identificaron que las violencias más fuertes apuntaban a desarraigarlas de su territorio y quebrarlas mediante crímenes de violencia sexual, como violaciones, esclavitud sexual o tocamientos forzados. Todo esto tiene asidero en el racismo. Clemencia Carabalí, socia fundadora y representante de ASOM, dice que el desplazamiento forzado se dio porque iban por la riqueza y la ubicación estratégica del territorio. Pero, además, esto es importante porque el territorio para las comunidades negras lo es todo. “Para nosotros sin territorio la vida es imposible, porque es ahí donde podemos hacer nuestras prácticas culturales, recrearnos, crecer, desarrollar las prácticas de solidaridad, trabajo conjunto, familia y esas prácticas organizativas. Nosotros sin tierra no podemos ser comunidades y mucho menos personas”.

Y responde también a por qué quitarles las tierras a los afrodescendientes no les parecía gran cosa: “Se cree que nosotros como comunidades negras no tenemos derecho a vivir en tierras ricas, en tierras que garanticen mejores condiciones de vida, entonces se nos desplaza para llegar a esos territorios a explotarlos”. Así, muchas contaron cómo, al salir de los territorios, solo pudieron trabajar como empleadas domésticas. “Aunque éramos mujeres productivas, que trabajábamos y ganábamos nuestro dinero con la agricultura y la minería ancestral, nuestra única salida fue el trabajo doméstico en casas de familia en las que sufrimos acoso y violencia sexual, racismo, discriminación y violación de nuestros derechos laborales”, dijo una de ellas.

Aparece el racismo, que se manifestó en todas las formas de interacción que tuvieron los paramilitares hacia ellas. Mariana Ardila, abogada de Women’s Link, resume el trato así: “Había una frase muy impactante que ellas resentían mucho y era que les decían que las negras solo eran buenas para la cama y la cocina, cuando ellas eran productivas, campesinas y mineras. Eso no correspondía a la realidad. Además, les ofrecían comprarles a las hijas, como repitiendo patrones de la esclavización. Les ofrecían a las más jóvenes lujos o comodidades para que sostuvieran relaciones sexuales y sentimentales con ellos. Y les prohibían agruparse, para generarles miedo y dominarlas. Eso es muy diciente de ese racismo”.

Ciñéndose a eso, los armados quisieron cooptar todos los espacios de su vida. Las mujeres ya no podían ir a los ríos Cauca y Teta a barequear, allá vieron cómo asesinaban personas y cómo el agua cambiaba de color por la minería ilegal que desarrollaban ellos. Las que cultivaban tenían miedo de que en vez de yuca hubiera una mina. “Antes de que llegara al territorio el Bloque Calima de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia podíamos dejar a nuestros hijos con nuestras hijas mayores, abuelas, tías y comadres para cuidarlos. Así todas podíamos ir a trabajar en los cultivos o en la minería tradicional y participar en actividades comunitarias. Pero con la llegada de los paramilitares, estar en la casa de otra mujer y reunirse era prohibido, nos acusaban de ser colaboradoras de la guerrilla. Esto acabó con los lazos y con las amistades que construimos entre mujeres de la comunidad y nos impidió realizar actividades económicas productivas, lo que empobreció a nuestras familias”, dice uno de los testimonios recogidos en el informe, hablando de cómo cambió su forma de ejercer la maternidad y la violencia que vino para ellas como consecuencia de no poder producir.

Sin embargo, no fueron solo los paramilitares los que las victimizaron. Ellas recuerdan también otros años difíciles, entre el 2013 y 2016. “Sobre todo en las partes más altas de las montañas se dieron muchos enfrentamientos entre el Ejército y la guerrilla de las Farc, donde pusieron a las comunidades en medio del fuego cruzado, usando armas que están prohibidas por el Derecho Internacional Humanitario (DIH)”, explica Ardila. “Ellas detectan que eso afectó la posibilidad de educación de las niñas y jóvenes. Eso tiene un impacto generacional. Las mujeres negras han sido excluidas de la educación y al acceso del poder, eso perpetúa su condición. A pesar de eso es impresionante cómo a través de los combates estas niñas iban a estudiar”. Y muchas lograron graduarse.

Las 232 mujeres que participaron en este proceso, que fue largo y requirió mucho cuidado para no hacer daños mayores a los que ya tenían física y emocionalmente, dijeron que la verdad de su región había sido escrita, pero no las habían tenido en cuenta a ellas, no se sabía qué les hicieron ni cómo resistieron.

Quizá la estrategia que más recuerdan fue cuando hicieron el grupo musical Avances. Consistía en enseñar a los niños y niñas los bailes tradicionales y a tocar los instrumentos propios de la cultura afro, de modo que ellos estuvieran ocupados, junto a ellas y lejos de los armados. También era una excusa para que las mujeres se reunieran, ya que de otra manera no era posible. Incluso, recuerda Carabalí, hubo momentos en los que uno que otro paramilitar quiso aprender a bailar con ellas y, con mucha zozobra, los dejaron participar.

Pero hubo otras. Carabalí recuerda que tuvieron que usar mecanismos de autoprotección para poder moverse en el territorio. “Una de las cosas que ellos (los paramilitares) hacían era poner retenes, entonces cuando pasaba un bus o una chiva, bajaban a toda la gente y el que les caía mal o se le hubiera olvidado la cédula o no les respondiera una pregunta de manera satisfactoria para ellos o lo acusaran de ser guerrillero, inmediatamente lo asesinaban. Entonces nosotras para proteger a nuestros jóvenes y esposos, bajábamos a hacer mercado a Santander de Quilichao o a Jamundí, al sitio del comercio”. También se avisaban unas a otras. Si una se movía de una vereda a otra, llamaban por teléfono, en las cabinas de Telecom, para avisar que salían y que otras estuvieran atentas a su llegada. También escribían mensajes en papelitos y los mandaban con conocidos.

Teníamos un fondo rotatorio, se llamaba La emprendedora: apoyo firme para la mujer trabajadora y buena paga, para apoyar las actividades económicas de las mujeres, teníamos técnicos agropecuarios que nos ayudaban para no fracasar en eso. Eso no se podía hacer, pero durante un tiempo bajaban dos o tres compañeras a encontrarse con el técnico y luego subían juntos, o ya después cuando la cosa se complicó mucho, bajaban dos o tres compañeras a un punto específico y el técnico les explicaba la orientación que había que dar. Lo mismo con las trabajadoras sociales o el equipo que iba a ir. Es decir, no andar solas”, dice Carabalí.

Sin embargo, esa resistencia y esos dolores no los habían contado. Cuando empezó este proceso, desde Women’s Link preguntaron si habían participado en Justicia y Paz, y la respuesta fue negativa. Para entonces las mujeres sí empezaron a pensarlo y reunirse, pero “había mucha de esa gente todavía” en sus territorios, dice Carabalí. Esta vez le están apostando a saber los porqués de todo eso: por qué entraron al territorio, violentaron mujeres, las obligaron a serviles y reclutaron a sus hijos, por qué asesinaron y desaparecieron a sus esposos. Por eso le piden a la Comisión de la Verdad que sus historias queden en el capítulo étnico que debe tener el informe final de esta entidad. Están convencidas de que su verdad puede aportar a que esto no se repita.

Nelson Mandela’s grandson slams ‘Israeli apartheid’

Zwelivelile Mandela says Israeli apartheid is the worst form of apartheid ever witnessed.

by

London, United Kingdom – The grandson of anti-apartheid hero Nelson Mandela has delivered a damning condemnation of “Israeli apartheid”, in a high-profile expression of solidarity between South Africans and Palestinians.

Zwelivelile Mandela, an MP of the ruling African National Congress (ANC), made the comments on Saturday at the Palestine Expo, an annual event in London aimed at showcasing Palestinian history, heritage and culture. Last year, it attracted 15,000 visitors.

Addressing a large audience, Mandela said that the Nation-State Law passed in 2018 declaring Israel to be the historical homeland of the Jewish people “confirmed what we have always known to be the true character and reality of Israel: Israel is an apartheid state”.

He also outlined what had constituted apartheid for black South Africans – from the creation of bantustan reservations to land expropriation and the daily assault on dignity.

“All these characteristics were present in apartheid Israel since its inception but have now been codified and given a constitutional status and expression by the Nation-State Law.

“Apartheid Israel perpetuates statutory discrimination through the very definition by the law as a Jewish state; by doing so it renders non-Jews as second-class citizens, alternately as foreigners in the land of their birth.”

Anti-Semitism allegations

Also speaking at the event was Israeli journalist Gideon Levy, who criticised efforts by the United States to resolve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict through investment.

He told the London audience that not only could the deal not be taken seriously, but if it were pursued it would put an end to “all Palestinian rights and aspirations”, and added that, as a result, a global intervention was now required to put pressure on Israel.

“We need the world because Israel will not change by itself – as long as Israel and Israelis are not punished and don’t pay for the occupation, for the crimes, don’t expect any change. It will not come from within Israel.”

Levy was also scathing about how Western politicians and media have succumbed to a “very efficient” campaign by Israel to label any criticism of the country’s activities as anti-Semitic.

“Here we face now a new stage in which criticising Israel becomes not only impossible but almost criminal. I have never seen such a phenomenon in which struggling for justice becomes criminalised – this is unheard of.

“The formula is very formalised and very efficient, and we shouldn’t let it be so efficient: you dare to criticise the occupation? You dare to criticise Israel? You dare to have some sympathy with the Palestinians, the victims? You dare to speak about justice? You know what you are: you are an anti-Semite. This paralyses everybody.”

Ilan Pappe, a professor at the University of Exeter and director of the European Centre for Palestinian Studies, also blasted the mainstream media’s coverage of Israeli activities and how these have been concealed behind the “fabrication of institutional anti-Semitism”.

Pappe said it was important to acknowledge the historical context in which the treatment of Palestinians in areas such as Gaza had taken place.

“Unfortunately, the world doesn’t know what goes on in Gaza. In this country, the mainstream media, whether it is Sky News or the BBC, or the main newspapers, don’t mention the Gaza Strip.

“They mention every word that they think attests to institutional anti-Semitism in the Labour Party but they would not mention what happened yesterday when 49 young Palestinians were shot by Israeli snipers. Neither did they mention the 52 who were shot last week.”

Home demolitions

Human rights activist Issa Amro, who is based in Hebron – which is at the sharp end of Israeli settler appropriation of Palestinian land – told attendees that the city had become the “micro-centre of apartheid, discrimination and segregation”.

Amro described his activism trying to resist the growing scale at which Palestinian homes were being demolished by the Israeli authorities in order for settlers to take their land and resources.

He said demolitions had increased significantly since Donald Trump became the US president in early 2017, and current Israeli policy was to now even require some Palestinians to demolish their own homes.

“Don’t be afraid of ‘anti-Semitism’ because the message of this conference should be that criticising Israeli human rights violations is not anti-Semitism,” he said.

Daphna Baram, director of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions UK, outlined the scale of demolitions, pointing out that 201 Palestinian structures were demolished in June alone – bringing those destroyed since 1967 to 49,336.

“This is the daily grind of the occupation that is turning the life of the Palestinians impossible,” she said. “This is not by accident, this is making the lives of the Palestinians impossible by design.

“This has been the design of the Israeli government for generations to get rid of the Palestinians and make them go away in various ways, shapes and forms, and one of the main ways to do this is by house demolitions.”

Global south ‘neglect’

Palestinian journalist and author Ramzy Baroud – who had just returned from a 10-day solidarity tour to Kenya – told the event in the UK capital that a new front in Palestinian activity should be aimed at the developing world.

Palestinian activism had neglected the “global south” because of the Oslo peace process and a changing discourse that had convinced people that their fate lay in the capitals of the developed world.

“But Israel has rediscovered the global south and they have penetrated Africa and South America and other places,” Baroud said. “We need to go back there and we need to resurrect their solidarity.

“One thing about Africa that I noticed is that we don’t have to contend with the tiny little bits of the discourse – nobody accuses you of anti-Semitism, it is not even on the agenda of African audiences: what they talk about there is national liberation.”

SOURCE: Al Jazeera News

What Is Happening to Guatemala’s Land Defenders?

She Defended Her Land Against a Mine in Guatemala. Then She Fled in Fear for Her Life.

Teresa Muñoz was riding her motorbike along her regular delivery route on a winding Guatemala road, carrying the homemade cheese she sold for a living, when she saw in her rearview mirror one of the white sedans that employees of the Escobal silver mine drove. Mining company cars had followed her before, but this time, the vehicle swerved. The driver rammed her motorbike, pitching her into the street, and then sped off. Muñoz was left bruised and scraped, convinced they’d meant to kill her.

For years, she had been a leader in the fight against the silver mine, the project of Tahoe Resources, a U.S.-headquartered Canadian company. Located in the southeastern Guatemala city of San Rafael las Flores, Escobal was on its way to becoming one of the largest silver mines in the world. Muñoz and her family helped organize community votes on the mine, participated in rallies to stop production, and educated people about the mine’s potential harms.

Rainfall in the mountains that contain the Escobal mine feeds the Los Esclavos River and a multitude of natural springs, whose waters fuel the production of coffee and onions in the region, grown for export. For sustenance, families grow beans, corn, and squash in the forested hillsides. More than half the surrounding population lives below the poverty line, making them particularly vulnerable to changes in the local hydrology. Mines like Escobal use massive quantities of water and divert flows in ways that can disrupt communities’ access. Such projects have also been known to leach heavy metals into drinking water sources.

The mountains are part of the territory of the Xinca people, an Indigenous group whose language and culture were nearly wiped out by Spanish colonizers and the Catholic Church. For years, Tahoe Resources argued that there were no Xinca people left in the communities surrounding the mine who would require any consultation. They were wrong. In fact, the mine’s denial of the Xincas’ existence fueled a regional reclamation of the identity. “Soy Xinca” — “I am Xinca” — has become the rallying cry under which Muñoz and others fight.

In response to the anti-mining movement in San Rafael, Tahoe hired firms run by U.S. and Israeli ex-special forces veterans to protect the project and lobbied the Guatemalan government to quash the resistance. Over the course of the 12-year conflict, mine opponents have been shot, imprisoned, and even killed.

For Muñoz, the fight meant exile. “I’m sure, as is my family, that if I had continued there, I wouldn’t be alive anymore,” she told The Intercept. In 2016, she abandoned the land for which she’d risked everything and sought asylum in the United States, a process that has stalled since Donald Trump’s crackdown on asylum-seekers began.

A name for people like Muñoz has emerged over the last decade: land defender. The term encompasses not only environmental activists defending their communities from contamination and lawyers fighting to enforce environmental regulations, but also peasant farmers attempting to hold on to their livelihoods and Indigenous people organizing to protect spaces that represent an extension of their identity.

The most famous land defender was Berta Cáceres, a member of the Lenca Indigenous group in Honduras who organized opposition to the Agua Zarca Dam. Cáceres’s murder by the dam’s hired hitmen was preceded by a U.S.-backed coup in Honduras in 2009 that paved the way for a wave of mega-project approvals. Now, a global shift toward autocracy is precipitating new threats against land defenders, and Guatemala is a case in point.

Last year was one of the most dangerous for land defenders in Guatemala since the end of the country’s brutal civil war in 1996. According to the Unit for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders in Guatemala, 18 land defenders and campesino organizers were assassinated in 2018, including Indigenous people fighting to protect their territory from agribusiness and hydroelectric projects, and the leaders of peasant organizations fighting to maintain access to land they use to sustain their livelihoods. Ronal David Barillas Díaz, a Xinca leader who organized against the sugar industry as well as the San Rafael mine, was among those killed. Of 392 aggressions against human rights defenders documented by the unit, including threats, assaults, arrests, and unfounded judicial complaints, 184 were aimed at Indigenous people defending their land.

Jorge Santos, the organization’s general coordinator, credits the increase in violence to outgoing President Jimmy Morales’s abandonment of the nation’s lauded anti-corruption efforts. But he finds it hard to be optimistic that the looming runoff presidential election in August holds hope for change. “Guatemala is at an important crossroads,” Santos told The Intercept. “One road is uphill, with many large rocks, but it allows us to build democracy, consolidate mechanisms of equity, aspirations for peace, for social justice, probably very slowly. The other is a road of regression, and it’s a regression that’s taking place at a very fast and accelerated rate. It’s a scenario that is going to put us in a state where it is understood that the only mechanism of exercising power is through violence.”

 

A Precarious Peace

The roots of the mining industry in Guatemala are soaked in the blood of its 36-year civil war. Beginning in 1960, Guatemala’s military government mercilessly repressed Indigenous-led, leftist opposition movements, killing or disappearing 200,000 people. Although the rebels were called terrorists, the state and its paramilitary groups carried out 93 percent of the killings, and around 80 percent of the victims were Mayan. The communism-obsessed U.S. government provided political and financial support to the murderous regime.

The first large metal mine, owned by the Canadian International Nickel Company, arrived in Guatemala in the early years of the conflict, to an area known to be a center of guerrilla resistance. The mining company’s presence fueled a crackdown that cost 3,000 to 6,000 lives, according to some estimates.

Finally, the 1996 Peace Accords brokered a truce between the government and the opposition movements. The heart of the accords was a demilitarization agreement meant to eliminate the paramilitary forces. For the first time in the nation’s history, the accords also recognized the rights of Indigenous people to preserve their languages, practice their religions, and live free from discrimination. Guatemala signed on to the International Labor Organization’s Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention the same year.

Beyond humanitarian goals, the accords had another purpose: to signal that Guatemala was open for business. Only months after they were signed, Guatemala enacted a new mining law that allowed foreign companies to wholly own mining enterprises operating in the country, exempted those companies from a variety of taxes, and reduced government royalties on mined minerals. Guatemala became one of the cheapest places in the world to mine.

Meanwhile, members of the old military regime were finding their way into the private sector. In response, the United Nations’ International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, the CICIG, was founded in 2006 “to investigate illegal security groups and clandestine security organizations in Guatemala — criminal groups believed to have infiltrated state institutions.” The U.S. would provide $44.5 million in funding over the next decade.

Quelvin Jiménez, a Xinca lawyer, spent the 2000s developing grammatical standards for the Xinca language and working with a federal anti-racism commission to address ongoing discrimination. In 2010, he learned that the Escobal silver mine would be coming to his people’s homeland. He alerted members of the Xinca community. Among the articles of the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention was a requirement that Indigenous people be consulted before minerals are extracted from the territory they occupy.

“As we are in this period of reclaiming our rights, the mine arrives,” said Jiménez. “All those processes are stalled by the presence of the San Rafael mine.”

To its shareholders, Tahoe Resources suggested that it had no responsibility to consult with Indigenous people. “According to our understanding, although Indigenous people may have inhabited the site at one time, there are no Indigenous populations that currently live in the immediate area of the Escobal project site,” the company wrote in a 2012 filing.

 

Continue reading here …..

100 million people in India Will Have No Water by 2020

The South Asia water crisis is here. A hundred million people will be affected to begin with

June 24, 2019 – Daily Kos

Early this month there were record high temperatures in Delhi ( 48 c which is 118.4 f) and in Churu, halfway between Delhi and Bikaner where it was 50.8 c.

 

I travelled in that region in November 2014, and of course I took a four-day camel trek. It was plenty hot that time of year, so much so that we had to take a three hour siesta each day under whatever bushes we could find. We were in the Thar desert of Rajasthan if you really must know.

 

Chennai is out of water now.

Time lapse satellite photo of Chennai reservoir disappearing:

 

Why Chennai, India’s Sixth Biggest City, Has Run Out of Water

News from India says that 21 cities with about a hundred million people, will run out of groundwater by 2020. Yes folks, that’s next year.

Twenty one cities in India including Delhi, Bengaluru, Chennai and Hyderabad – will run out of groundwater by 2020, affecting around 100 million people, claims a report by NITI Ayog.

The report also says that 40 per cent of India’s population will have no access to drinking water by 2030.The situation is alarming, given the fact that year 2020 is not very far. Three rivers, four water bodies, five wetlands and six forests have completely dried in Chennai despite having better water resources and rains than any other metro cities, the report said. (from www.republicworld.com/…)

I looked up NITI Ayog, wondering how legitimate they are. Turns out they are part of the Government of India.

National Institution for Transforming India, also called NITI Aayog, was formed via a resolution of the Union Cabinet on January 1, 2015. NITI Aayog is the premier policy ‘Think Tank’ of the Government of India, providing both directional and policy inputs. While designing strategic and long term policies and programmes for the Government of India, NITI Aayog also provides relevant technical advice to the Centre and States.

The Government of India, in keeping with its reform agenda, constituted the NITI Aayog to replace the Planning Commission instituted in 1950. This was done in order to better serve the needs and aspirations of the people of India. An important evolutionary change from the past, NITI Aayog acts as the quintessential platform of the Government of India to bring States to act together in national interest, and thereby fosters Cooperative Federalism.

Add this to a recent report that the glaciers of the Himalaya are melting twice as fast as previously thought.

And a report by an international team of scientists started with: The Hindu Kush Himalayas (HKH) is a crucially important region for South Asia and China. These mountains are the ‘Water Towers of Asia’, providing water to 1.3 billion people. However, the warming trend in the HKH is higher than the global average –a cause for grave concern. There is no other place in the world where so many people are being affected by climate change so rapidly.

The change is here folks, faster than we ever thought!!

Cross-Canada Day of Action to End Israel Apartheid

Spread the word! 

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On May 18th we will be marching down the streets of Toronto to honour the Nakba and to call for an end to Israeli Apartheid. The energy and strength of Palestinians has been relentless in resisting colonial violence. Please join us on the streets and support our call by sharing the event with your network of activists and organizers. This is the Facebook page

We will be gathering at Yonge-Dundas Square at 2PM and marching to Yonge and Bloor to the Israeli Consulate. Please bring your energy and enthusiasm as well as your banners and placards. 

We urge you to endorse this day of action and our call for the right of return of Palestinians. An endorsement can mean simply stating your support to us, sharing the event page on Facebook, and/or supporting with resources. Some endorsing organizations include:

  • Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East (CJPME)

  • Al-Quds Committee

  • Labour for Palestine

  • Canadians for Palestine

  • Canadian Federation of Students (CFS)

  • Ontario Coalition Against Poverty (OCAP)

  • Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW)

  • Socialist Action

  • Canadian Council for Justice and Peace

  • International Socialists

  • Hugo Chavez People’s Defence Front

  • Independent Jewish Voices (IJV)

  • Canadian Union of Postal Workers

If you would like to endorse, please reach out to Toronto BDS on Facebook

Hope to see you all out on May 18th!